Product Development Process Personal Statement Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Product Development Process - Personal Statement Example It is evidently clear from the discussion that one of the major differences is that in sequential product development process each step that is followed in the process of design must be completed before the next step can begin. On the other hand, in concurrent process, each step is linked to production and testing an aspect that allows the information between the departments to be passed among the steps. As a result, the activities in the process occur in parallel an aspect that allows any challenge arising to be solved together. On the other hand it is disadvantageous because more resources are used through regular check and instead, the process could have be verified once. Another difference between the two processes is that in sequential, once the product is obtained, it is taken through the testing process in order to check the usability of the product. This is different in concurrent where this step is omitted an aspect that may lead to inapplicable products in the market. The a dvantage of this step is that it ensures that the quality of the product or service is maintained. On the other hand, it is disadvantageous because it is time consuming. One of the major similarities is that both processes are designing. In both processes, the product is first designed in order to come up with ideas to be followed in the processes. In addition, quality mechanism in concurrent and verification in sequential product development process are similar. The step involves ensuring that the product that was previously designed has the characteristics that were previously set.

Symbolic interactions on homosexuality-a sociological perspective Research Paper

Symbolic interactions on homosexuality-a sociological perspective - Research Paper Example From the US General Social Record, Smelser (2002) indicates that the debate of homosexuality is not likely to be solved any time soon. An analysis of the questionnaires filled and records of interviews, it is evident, that many people have begun embracing homosexuality as a form of living. The blatant question of whether people of the same sex should marry recorded a tremendous 78% out of the 2000 respondents interviewed by Smelser (2002). These results were categorized on the degree of acceptance, and out of the 78%, majority were those that strongly agreed on homosexuality and legalization. Though Smelser (2002) did not find out the exact reasons why the majority agree to homosexuality, he argues that majority of the respondents were completely sure of their answers. He recommends the use of theoretical approach in an attempt to investigate the reasons behind the rising cases of homosexuality marriages. This case study will undertake a survey of the theoretical approach in an attempt to understand why so many people, especially the youth are violating the rule relating to violation on homosexuality. Among the theories that will put under study are the symbolic interaction theory on social deviance in regard to homosexuality, Kenneth’s labeling theory and the sexual stigma on homosexuality as well as Blumer, Cooley, Mead, and Kinsey’s theories. Survey on the contributions of these theories to homosexuality will be scrutinized at all points of view in an endeavor to find answers on the homosexuality issue. The symbolic interaction theory According to Benard and Mahood (2006), symbolic interaction theory is one of the best approaches in the study of marriages and relationships, especially controversial ones like homosexuality, its causes and effects in the society. A simple description of symbolic interaction theory may be explained as, beliefs that are created in relation to the symbols attached to them. These symbols may range from forms of language, objects, people, and perceptions of people amongst others. The symbolic interaction theory makes an initiative of defining how people shape realities in life and the effect of these symbols in their subsequent life. Ellis (1988) argues that the symbolic interaction theory renders people to attaching various connotations to symbols in the society, ultimately, majority end up acting in accordance to their own prejudiced interpretation of what the symbols mean in their lives. Other people will not undertake research to verify their course of action rather acts on what they think and feel is right. This is evident from the verbal discussions, whereby the uttered words play the role of symbols. Spoken words have specific meanings that are sent to the receivers of the message; the sender hopes that the message that he or she intended to send is received in its totality despite the various barriers to communication. This theory, however, intends to bring to light the fact that human beings are not static and that thy have innate feelings

Finalpart2 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Finalpart2 - Essay Example Morgan and Northern Securities. Roosevelt was a strong proponent of labor who made immense efforts to help United States citizens. He tried his best to assist consumers and proposed the Pure Food And Drug Act to the congress that wasmeant to protect citizens from harmful foods and medicine. He also established a workman’s compensation scheme; this is a fee that employers had to pay employees who sustained injuries in the course of duty. William Taft issued a tarrif known as the Payne-Aldirich Tariff which placed high taxes on imported goods. He believed that this would be beneficial to the United States and helpbusiness to business to develop. Taft’s domestic agenda accentuated civil service reforms, trust-busting, fortifying the interstate commerce commission, passing the sixteenth amendment and bettering the performance of the postal dervice. On the foreign front, he sought to extend the economic development of nations in Asia and Latin America through "Dollar Diploma cy" and displayed absolute authority and moderation in response to the revolution in mexico. 4. The outbreak cold of the cold war can be majorly blamed on the united states and its allies after the first world war. The allies invaded the soviet union, armed and supplied the United States to fight the soviet government which was supported by bulk of the russians. This immediately became a source of conflict between the communist soviet union and the capitalists. The first strike was made by the united states and its allies arguing that the soviet union spread communism. The case put forward by the united states that the soviet union was to blame since they had put missiles in Cuba in incomplete and thoughtless. The americans already had the same missiles aimed at the Russians placed in Turkey and the missiles put in cuba were just a mechanism of leveling the playing field (Kennedy & Bailey, 2010). During this period of the cold war, the folowing three significant changes occurred in America’s foreign policy: The american government initiated the process of aiding anti soviet outfits like the Mujahideen in Afghanistan. Diplomatic ties were created between America and the People’s republic of China during this period. America initiated the diplomatic process that established NATO(North Atlantic Treaty Organization) to keep the Soviet Union in check. These policy changes ensured that America mended fences with previous enemeies like China and put in place measures that kept the country on top with regards to military might. 5. The race-related riots that broke out in numerous cities of the united states during the 1960s brought about many arrests, deaths, injuries, as well as significant damage of property that mainly affected the areas inhabited by african americans. It is hard to exactly identify the ways in which these riots impinged on economic activity in the united states over a long period of time, however various prospective reinforcing chane ls are present. Property risk increased in the central city neighborhoods resulting in a rise in insurance premiums compered to that before the riots. The riots caused increases in Taxes for income redistribution, fire and police protection, closure of some retail outlets and relocation of some employment opportunities and businesses. Other key impacts included relocation of higher and middle income households, destruction of buildings that were torched. These destructive impacts of the race-related ri

International Business Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 1

International Business - Essay Example Alibaba.com works in a simplistic environment. The buyer logs onto the website and creates an account. They can either post buying leads or go to each company directly. The site offers a way for them to search for what they want by country. If a buying lead is posted then potential sellers will email the buyer through alibaba.com. They can even contact them by phone if the buyer allows it. Once potential suppliers are identified an order can be placed and alibaba.com can be used for transactions via escrow. Escrow means that alibaba.com holds the money until the buyer has received their order in good condition. The buyer lets alibaba.com know and they release the money to the supplier. Some transactions can also occur outside of alibaba.com and this is where the potential for fraud comes in. A buyer could be sending money to someone who has no intentions of selling them any products. Some even develop false websites just to make themselves seem legitimate. This site makes it easier t o find suppliers who are in other countries and it helps companies find new markets to sell in thereby keeping them in business.

I dont belive in ghost Essay Example for Free

I dont belive in ghost Essay I dont belive in ghost!,I said to my grand mom.But she shocked me by saying her horror incident that she experienced .A fort night ago,she was alone at home and we children were playing in the garden.She was going to watch a horror movie.A very thrilling scene was going to happen,she said.Suddenly the lights started to flicker and there was a powercut. She heard nises f someone counting numbers.As it counted till ten,it saidI am coming. She got scared.She went to switch on the emergency light but unfortunately it was not charged. It was really dark. Some how she managed toreach her room. She sat on the bed and started to pray. She heard noises,but as she was scared she did not go to see who was there. She heard noises of doors shutting,someone saying shhhhhhhh,and so on. As soon as the light came, she came outand saw that there was no one.After narrating the whole story she said that she believed in ghost. I suddenly started to lauh and said that it does not make sense.Evil spirits and ghost donot exist. I told her actually what happened. We cousins were playing in the garden.As it started btto rain,thre was a sudden powercut. We came in and then decided to play hie and seek. One of us started to count and we all started to hide ourselves.I said t her that we were the ones who made that noises.As the rain stopped,the light came an we went back to the garden for playing.Thats the reason she could notsee anyone in the house.I tld her not to believe in such incidents and try to find the logic behind it. She lso started to laugh. i would like to convey a massage that never ever believe in ghost.

Analysis of the UK Human Rights Act

Analysis of the UK Human Rights Act The Human Rights Act contains certain provisions which have enacted to prevent busybodies, cranks and other mischief makers from bringing actions under the act. It will be argued that whilst this was the aim of the legislation, this has only in part been achieved. Section 7 of the Human Rights Act permits Convention rights issues to be raised in any legal proceedings. However, S7 also provides that only a victim of an alleged infringement of the Convention may bring an action under the Act. This is a narrow concept and requires the claimants to be personally affected by the action being impugned. The ECHR test is more expansive than the notion of a private legal right which is used to govern the grant of standing for the declaration and injunction in English law. Complaints under the Convention must be brought by a person, non-governmental organisation (NGO) or group of individuals claiming to be the victim of a violation. Â   The term victim refers to the person directly affected by the contentious act or omission. In the case of Dudgeon v United Kingdom (1981) 4 EHRR 149 the gay male applicant were regarded as victims of the countries criminalisation of homosexual practices even though he had not bee subject to prosecution. However converse ly in Leigh, Guardian Newspapers Ltd and Observer Ltd v United Kingdom (No 10039/82) (1984) 38 DR 74 the commission did not accept that all journalists were victims of a House of Lords decision to refuse to disclose documents to journalists even though the documents concerned had been read out in court. The victim test is narrower than the sufficient interest test for judicial review. The obvious question is how the court is to choose which test to apply in circumstances where both seem to be available. With its locus standi requirement that one arguing that a public body has acted incompatibly with the Convention should be a victim of the violation, the Act allows challenge and intervention by a far narrower class of persons and interests than obtains for judicial review generally. Access to the courts in the formalised rights debates under the Act is correspondingly restricted. Calls for a human rights culture and democratised debates about rights are all very well, but ultimately the very point of a judicially enforced Bill of Rights is that decisions are made in cloistered courts by judges who cannot, unlike ministers, be lobbied. Â  As one recent, detailed study has concluded, the result is, if not the end of politics, then its legalisation. As Loughlin puts it, judicial review [of statutes] must be seen as the retention of some form of aristocratic rule in a democratic state, where the aim is no less than the elimination of the idea of the (political) sovereign and its replac ement with the sovereignty of law[i]. It can therefore be seen that whilst it is suggested that the victim requirement is sufficiently narrow it does not obviously exclude the likes of busybodies and cranks from brining action. The reason this difficulty arises can be demonstrated in the case of Dudgeon as above, that is that a person may not necessarily be a person who has been prosecuted or effected by the act but only has to be one that is likely to be so affected. This causes a multitude of problems and encompasses a plethora of applicants included those referred to as busybodies and cranks. Question 2 The convention rights that are particular important to gypsies are Article 8 the right to a home and to respect for private and family life; and Article 14 the right not to be discriminated against in relation to Convention rights. It is argued that gypsies can rely on these provisions in their search not only for protection of their homes. The landmark decision in this field was that of Buckley v UK [1996] JPL 1018. In that case Mrs Buckley was a gypsy residing with her three children in caravans on land that she owned. She was refused retrospective planning permission and the council took enforcement action. She lost her appeal and took her case to Strasbourg. She argued that prevention of her continued residence on her land was a breach of her Article 8 rights. She further argued that the statutory regime enacted by the 1968 and 1994 Acts amounted to a breach of her Article 14 rights in that it prevented her from pursuing her traditional lifestyle. The Court held unanimously that Article 8 was applicable. However, the right is that there shall be no interference beyond that which is reasonably necessary in a democratic society. The court held that the interference with the Gypsies right to a home, which they acknowledged existed, was justified on grounds of public policy. The court also rejected her Article 14 claim. In Chapman Others v UK (2001) The Times, January 30 the court held once again that there was no incompatibility with Article 8, again for much the same reasons, that the acknowledged infringement was justified on public policy grounds. However this time the court was considerably more critical of the UK government, stating (at para 96 of the original transcript): although the fact of being a member of a minority with a traditional lifestyle different from that of the majority does not confer an immunity from general laws it may have an incidence on the manner in which such laws are to be implemented [The] vulnerable position of Gypsies as a minority means that some special consideration should be given to their needs and their different lifestyle both in the relevant regulatory planning framework and in arriving at the decisions in particular cases To this extent there is thus a positive obligation imposed on the Contracting States by virtue of Article 8 to facilitate the Gypsy way of life. The court made clear that the United Kingdom enjoyed a wide discretion in how it went about what were essentially political, rather than judicial, decisions. That discretion was however to be subject to important considerations, and failure to give proper weight to these considerations could make the decisions taken unlawful. Amongst these considerations, the court emphasised (at para 103), was the fact that if no alternative accommodation is available, the interference [with the right under Article 8] is more serious than where such accommodation is available. In other words, it may prove very hard for local authorities to justify a failure to provide for adequate accommodation themselves, while at the same time setting out development plan policies that do not allow Gypsies to make their own provision. In R. (on the application of Fuller) v. Chief Constable of Dorset Police [2001] EWHC Admin 1057, December 12, 2001 Local councils had indicated that they would tolerate the continued presence of travellers on their land until the end of August. Following certain incidents the councils agreed with the police that the travellers would be required to leave. On August 29 the council and police visited the site. The council gave the travellers written notice to leave on August 31 and the police at the same time issued a direction under section 61 of the Criminal Justice and Public Order 1994. Four of the travellers sought a declaration that the direction under section 61 was invalid. Held, (i) that section 61 had to be construed narrowly since it created a criminal offence, and on its true construction a direction could not be issued until the trespassers had failed to comply with a valid request by the occupier of the land to leave; (ii) that a valid direction could not be given to vacat e the land at some future date, and accordingly the direction was invalid; (iii) that section 61 was compatible with the ECHR; Articles 3 and 6 of the Convention were not engaged, Article 8 rights would not necessarily be infringed and Article 1 of the First Protocol was not infringed; (iv) that, if the travellers had failed to leave on August 31, a section 61 direction would have been lawful, save possibly in respect of one of the claimants who at the time was nine months pregnant. Therefore the case law in this area demonstrates that by and large the regulation of the environment is left to executive and legislative authorities. Question 3 What is due process? In Thomas v. Baptiste [2000] 2 A.C. 1 members of the Privy Council engaged in a dispute as to whether the phrase due process of the law in the Constitution of Trinidad and Tobago meant anything more than what the dissenting judgment described as applying the law of the land as a matter of both substance and procedure Due process invokes the concept of the rule of law itself and the universally accepted standards of justice observed by civilised nations that observe the rule of law This raises the question of the impact of the ECHRs incorporation into UK law via the Human Rights Act. It is argued that procedurally there has been a great amount of change to the UK situation and that this change is ongoing. Under the Human Rights Act 1998 UK courts have to consider, taking account of the Convention jurisprudence under s2, to what extent, if at all, the freedoms may legitimately be curtailed. If, having striven to achieve compatibility, it is found to be impossible, a court of sufficient seniority can issue a declaration of incompatibility, although it will merely have to go on to apply the law in question.[ii] This is of course of profound effect on previous UK legal procedure where the courts would have had to apply the provision of the Act even if it breached the convention. Incorporation of the Convention under the Human Rights Act has already had a number of procedural advantages. UK Citizens may obtain redress for human rights breaches without needing, except as a last resort, to apply to the ECtHR in Strasbourg. This obviously saves a great deal of time and money for the citizen and thus greatly improves access to justice. The range of remedies available under the Human Rights Act is the same as in any domestic court case, and so includes injunctions and specific performance where appropriate, rather than simply damages. British judges are already making a contribution to the development of a domestic Convention rights jurisprudence.[iii] There is still some concern however that UK judges will improve procedural requirements and not regard the Convention rights as they should. The British judiciary are, in general, highly regarded, but they are an elite group, drawn mainly from a certain stratum of society and therefore, to varying degrees, out of touch with the working class. They have trained in techniques of legal analysis which included deciding cases without the responsibility of considering their human rights repercussions, although it is fair to say that their attitude to such repercussions was changing in the years leading up to the enactment of the Human Rights Act. Apart from its implications for legislation, public authorities have been greatly affected by the inception of the Human Rights Act due to the requirements of s6. Under S 6, it is unlawful for a public authority to act in a way which is incompatible with a Convention right. This is the main provision giving effect to the Convention rights; rather than the incorporation of the Convention, it is made binding against public authorities. Under s6(6), an act, includes an omission, but does not include a failure to introduce in or lay before Parliament a proposal for legislation, or a failure to make any primary legislation or remedial order. Section 6 (6) was included in order to preserve parliamentary sovereignty and prerogative power: in this case, the power of the executive to introduce legislation. Thus, apart from its impact on legislation, the Human Rights Act also creates obligations under s6 which bear upon public authorities. Such obligations have a number of implications. Indepe ndently of litigation, public authorities must put procedures in place in order to ensure that they do not breach their duty under s6. [i] Loughlin M, (2000) Sword and Scales: An Examination of the Relationship Between Law and Politics Passim [ii] For example see the case of R (H) v Mental Health Tribunal North and East London Region and Another [2001] EWCA Civ 415 [iii] R v A [2001] 2 WLR 1546; R v Lambert [2001] UKHL 37; R v Offen [2001] 1 WLR 253

The Role of lawyers in indias freedom struggle

The Role of lawyers in indias freedom struggle THE ROLE OF LAWYERS IN INDIAS FREEDOM STRUGGLE 1885 was a remarkable year in the history of India, a year which would determine the future of India, a new chapter in the freedom struggle started as a mass movement in 1857 by the ‘sepoy mutiny. With the joint efforts of A.O. Hume and W.C. Bonnerjee, the Indian National Congress was established. This brought the Indian intelligentsia into the main stream of the movement for freedom. This gave people a platform to discuss and share their grievances and in turn device a plan of action. This was the first time that Indians realized that violence was not the only means of fighting a battle and in the years to come ahimsa and satyagraha would become the two pillars on which the freedom struggle rests. How different would the history of India be, had the intelligentsia not taken over the freedom struggle. It was a war of independence from the shackles of enslavement of two centuries. It was a war of rights and liberties. It was a war for establishing ones independent identity. It was a war against injustice and inequality; against racialism and cruelty. The war against the British was not a war of arms but a war or strategy and mental strength. Most of all it was a war of ‘words. Who better to fight such a war but the magicians of words, those who have words for tool, just words to earn their livelihood lawyers. The Indian freedom struggle was won by the army of lawyers who used words for ammunition. Mahatma Gandhi was a lawyer so was Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Pt. Nehru was a lawyer and so were Sardar Wallab Bhai Patel and Dr. Rajendra Prasad. The list is never ending. So what was it that drew all these lawyers into the freedom struggle leaving behind a life of comforts and riches? The British valor could not have been matched by the Indians if they were to rebel and violently agitate. For every British man killed 10 Indians had to lay down their lives. India even in another century could not have gathered enough to make an army stronger than the British. The rich were too busy match fixing the future of India with the British and the poor were too poor to put together two square meals forget about a rebellion against the mighty British Empire. This was the time when the educated middle class came to the fore. It was these, educated men and women who decided to fight the empire for they needed to get jobs, they worried for the future of their children and the future of India, they needed to be independent, they were in contact with the west and they were the so called â€Å"enlightened† ones. These constituted lawyers, teachers, doctors, civil servants etc. Their only strength was their education and they decided to play a game of wits and not of weaponry to get Indians their long due freedom. They realized that what India needed was direction, an understanding of rights, unity, a new form of warfare, which was non violent, leaders and focus. Of this intelligentsia lawyers were the ones who led the struggle from the front, the reasons for this were many. First of all they were not government employees unlike the teachers, doctors and civil servants, so there was no obligation to follow directions from the government. Secondly, if lawyers could boycott courts, it would be a directly defying the British government and law and in turn it would directly imply that the rest of the population were not obliged to follow these laws. Thirdly, most of the lawyers had studied in England and they were aware of the English legal system and of the position people had in an independent nation. Also, they knew how to talk their way through to the English. They knew their weaknesses and strengths, and could successfully device a way to play the weaknesses of the British to their advantage. They were aware of the common law system keeping rights and duties on a pedestal and thus they used the cruelty and in humanity of the British in India to gain sympathy and in turn get the British in England to detest their own people and their conduct in India. Besides fighting cases in the law courts for the extremists who would regularly invite prosecution against themselves, most lawyers formed a group of moderate freedom fighters. They knew that India was not ready for immediate freedom and if India was to attain independence instantaneously, if would crumble without a strong center and there was no system and definitely no individual who could hold the country together. Since the lawyers had supreme understanding of the complicated and intricate laws that were being sent to India for the formation of government and for the administration of justice, they were best suited to discuss their implication and to repeal them as well as draw the English lawmakers to a point of making the law as pro Indians as possible. All these lawyers were of the view that an unjust law must be defied and repealed. Most of all, they advocated for social justice, equality and human rights. Soon, law courts became the preferred battlefield for Indians. Even an extremist revolutionary like Bhagat Singh took the help of a trial to send his message across. Infact, he deliberately invited a trial against him by throwing smoke bombs in the legislative assembly and surrendering himself to the police. The purpose that such court trials served was that they gave the freedom fighters an opportunity to come in contact with the media. The media would report the pleadings and comments in the local as well as the newspapers in England, this served a dual purpose the Indians got their leaders messages and the masses got provoked also, a sense of shame, regret and disapproval was spread amongst the British nationals in England. Though it is not preferred to earmark a single leader of the independence struggle but, if this was to be done, the name of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi would top the list. A lawyer by profession studied in England and worked in South Africa. He was the first leader to fight the inhuman practice of apartheid in South Africa. On his return to India, he devised a practical approach. He first decided to tour through India and then come into the movement. This shows the typical trait of a lawyer, first put together the facts and investigation and then take up the case. Or differently put, when I dont know the laws of the land how do I fight a case? Then he took the movement head on. He advocated the disobedience of unjust laws, peaceful demonstrations, boycott of foreign goods and the peaceful picketing of shops selling foreign goods. His ideas eventually found shape in a non-cooperation launched later. His aim was to make the British administration come to a standstill, a point from which they would have to negotiate. He believed that a peaceful struggle was far more productive then a violent one. A peaceful struggle cannot be suppressed easily and is always sustainable in the long run. Mahatma Gandhi was able to take the freedom struggle to the masses and was a major advocate of social justice and unity amongst all sections of the Indian people. Finally talking of the biggest contribution of the British to India we cannot ignore the role played by the lawyer turned freedom fighters. Besides winning independence, these men extracted a lot from the British. Most important being: their administrative policy, their form of governance and their laws. Most of the English laws have formed the basis of our statute books and the parliamentary form of government was also due to the British influence. The Indian Penal Code, one of the most intricate and elaborate penal law books in the world can be considered a gift from the British. Talking of the form of government, the efforts of Nehru committee and Sapru committee on how to accommodate both the Hindu and Muslim representatives in the government posts was an effort worth applauding. Finally, on 15th August 1947, India won independence and at the same time India was divided and Pakistan was born. But, it was not over for the lawyers yet, on either sides. They still had to carry the two divided nations through the poisoning after effects of the partition. Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru became the first Prime Minister of independent India and across the border M.A Jinnah held the reins of Pakistan in his hands. Dr. Rajendra Prasad became the President of India and Dr. B. R Ambedkar headed the team of constitution makers. The most remarkable contribution of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel at this time in history was undoubtedly his efforts of unifying India as India was divided amongst provinces and princely states. Also, he tried to break the communal barriers that the Indians had created amongst themselves. Besides the political responsibilities carried out by the lawyers, they had to carry out certain legal responsibilities as well. The first and foremost being, framing the constitution of India, followed by ascertaining the structure of the future legal system of the country. Also, partition brought with it many disputes over land, industry and property. These men were to take responsibility and carry out the necessary actions to make it peaceful. To conclude I would like to say that lawyers held an incomparable position in the freedom struggle and they were indispensable. They made a remarkable contribution to the pre independence Indian society the effects of which carried on even after independence. But, it seems to me that the new age lawyers are not as aware or socially responsible as those sixty years ago. We hardly see lawyers now a days who stand up for social causes, who are ready to dedicate their lives to the cause of social justice. The new age lawyers should take a leaf out of the history books and take inspiration from their predecessors and not restrict their ability to contribute. India needs leaders and men with foresight, lawyers who have in the past contributed so richly should continue with the same. As Jawaharlal Nehru said on 15th August, 1947 â€Å"Long years ago, we made a tryst with destiny and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom.† It is the responsibility of the people of India today to keep the dream of Nehru from fading out.